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In 2000, for the first time in 112 years, the candidate who |
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won the popular vote did not become president. This event |
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underscored a curious fact about our political system. Strictly |
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speaking, American voters do not elect their president. A group |
| (5) |
of people collectively referred to as the Electoral College |
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elects the president on behalf of the American people. How did |
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this strange institution come to be? |
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Two critical and interlocking concerns shaped how the |
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founders structured the Electoral College. First, the founders |
| (10) |
wanted to put a check on the popular will. The United States was |
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to be a republic, not a democracy. To the founders, “democracy” |
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meant mob rule. The founders had been horrified by Shays’ |
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rebellion in Massachusetts, in which impoverished farmers took up |
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arms against their creditors. By preventing direct popular |
| (15) |
election of the chief executive, the framers hoped to prevent an |
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American Caesar from destroying the republic by playing on the |
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easily swayed will of the ignorant and unpropertied masses. |
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Second, the Electoral College was intended to balance the |
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power of large and small states to choose the chief executive. |
| (20) |
Such a balance had been struck in the legislative branch: the |
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Senate had equal state representation, whereas the House of |
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Representatives featured proportional state representation. Large |
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states had more influence in the House, but all states had equal |
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influence in the Senate. Analogously, the framers empowered state |
| (25) |
legislatures to appoint or select several |
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electors, the number of which was to equal the sum of that |
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state’s representatives and two senators. On a day decreed by |
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Congress, all electors were to meet in their respective states |
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and cast ballots for the presidency. A list recording all votes |
| (30) |
was to be signed, certified, sealed, and delivered to the |
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president of the Senate (i.e., the vice president of the United |
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States). In a joint session of Congress, the president of the |
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Senate was to unseal and count the votes from all the states. |
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Whichever candidate garnered the most votes became the |
| (35) |
president-elect, as long as he had a majority of all votes cast. |
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The runner-up became the vice president-elect. |
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These rules forced the Constitution’s framers to take some |
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special cases into account. In the event that two candidates |
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split the Electoral College evenly, both would have a majority, |
| (40) |
but neither would have the most votes. The election would then go |
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to the House, where each state’s delegation would cast a single |
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vote for president. In the event that no candidate carried a |
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majority, the House’s state delegations would choose from among |
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the top five vote-getters. In either case, the runner-up in the |
| (45) |
House election would become vice president. (In the case of a tie |
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for second place, the Senate would vote for one of the two |
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candidates.) The rules by which these contingencies were to be |
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adjudicated demonstrate the founders’ desire to balance the power |
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of large and small states. The founders expected that large |
| (50) |
states would in effect determine who the “candidates” for |
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president were, but small and large states would have an equal |
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say in which candidate ultimately became president. |
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For all their concern to account for state loyalty, the |
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founders failed to take party loyalty into account. Political |
| (55) |
parties arose almost immediately after the Constitution was |
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ratified. Problems with the Electoral College quickly followed. |
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In 1796, John Adams, a Federalist, won the most electoral votes |
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and became president. Thomas Jefferson, a Democratic-Republican, |
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was runner-up to Adams; he became the vice president. Thus, the |
| (60) |
two top executives were bitter political rivals, an unhappy and |
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unintended state of affairs. In 1804, the Twelfth Amendment |
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stipulated that the Electoral College choose presidents and vice |
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presidents separately. |
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A more fundamental structural problem with the Electoral |
| (65) |
College lay in the founders’ anti-democratic intentions. As the |
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nineteenth century progressed, a wave of democratic reform swept |
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Europe and the United States. States began adopting direct |
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popular election of a slate of electors. Political parties began |
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sponsoring their own slate of electors, each of whom pledged to |
| (70) |
vote for their party’s candidate in the Electoral College. The |
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result of each state’s popular election began determining which |
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party’s slate would take part in the Electoral College. This |
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democratization of the Electoral College had some unintended |
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consequences. First, since presidential elections were still |
| (75) |
determined state-by-state by winner-take-all electoral votes, |
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rather than by the aggregate popular votes of all states, a |
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candidate could lose the national popular vote and still carry |
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the Electoral College. Second, as party divisions increased and |
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the cost of presidential campaigns skyrocketed, campaigns became |
| (80) |
increasingly focused on a few contested states, in effect turning |
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a national presidential election into a linked cluster of local |
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elections in which the interests of a few swing states determine |
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national policy decisions. Thus, the Electoral College has failed |
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to fairly balance state interests, as the founders had hoped, |
| (85) |
while remaining as undemocratic as ever. |